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The Monroe Doctrine was expressed during President Monroe's seventh annual
message to Congress, December 2, 1823:
. . . At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government, made through the
minister of the Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have
been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg to
arrange by amicable negotiation the respective rights and interests of the
two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal has
been made by His Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great Britain, which
has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the United States has been
desirous by this friendly proceeding of manifesting the great value which
they have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude
to cultivate the best understanding with his Government. In the discussions
to which this interest has given rise and in the arrangements by which they
may terminate the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle
in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that
the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they
have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects
for future colonization by any European powers. . .
It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort
was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people
of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary
moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the results have been so far
very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of
the globe, with which we have so much intercourse and from which we derive
our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens
of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the
liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In
the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have
never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy to do so. It is
only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries
or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere
we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be
obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of
the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America.
This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective Governments;
and to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much
blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens,
and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is
devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing
between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider
any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere
as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies
of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But
with the Governments who have declared their independence and maintain it,
and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles,
acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing
them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power
in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition
toward the United States. In the war between those new Governments and Spain
we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we
have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur
which, in the judgement of the competent authorities of this Government, shall
make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable
to their security.
The late events in Spain and Portugal shew that Europe is still unsettled.
Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied
powers should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves,
to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent
such interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question in
which all independent powers whose governments differ from theirs are interested,
even those most remote, and surely none of them more so than the United States.
Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the
wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains
the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its
powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for
us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations
by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims
of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to those continents
circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible
that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion
of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can anyone
believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it
of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold
such interposition in any form with indifference. If we look to the comparative
strength and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and their distance
from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is
still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves,
in hope that other powers will pursue the same course. . . .
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